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By S. Adam, Jadetimes News S. Adam is a Jadetimes news reporter covering science and geopolitics.



In recent years, dengue fever has become one of the most common and dangerous diseases in society. Once rarely seen, it now spreads rapidly across regions, affecting countless individuals. Although dengue is a potentially fatal illness, awareness, early treatment, and the healing wisdom of Ayurveda can save lives.


 Dr. Indrani Senarathne
Image Source : Dr Indrani

According to Ayurvedic science, dengue develops when the body’s natural balance is disturbed by toxins introduced through the bite of an infected Aedes mosquito. Within 5 to 10 days, the virus can trigger symptoms such as high fever, headache, body pain, loss of appetite, nausea, vomiting, red rashes, and fatigue. A serious drop in platelet count is one of the key dangers, leading to weakness and complications.


However, Ayurveda offers effective, natural, and time-proven treatments to manage dengue and strengthen the body from within. Herbal remedies such as Pathpadagam, Parpadagam, and Coriander (Koththamalli) decoctions help reduce fever and purify the body. Venivel and other herbal combinations are used to enhance immunity and detoxify the system.


Dr. Indrani Senarathna Hassanally, a distinguished Ayurvedic physician in Sri Lanka, emphasizes the importance of early intervention and continuous care. She recommends frequent intake of herbal soups, wood apple juice (Gas Labu), and light herbal broths, which prevent dehydration and restore lost energy. Special Ayurvedic preparations made with wood apple are also known to help increase platelet counts naturally.

“Ayurveda is more than medicine — it is the art of restoring balance between body, mind, and spirit. My message to the world is: trust in nature’s power. Act early, care for your environment, and allow Ayurveda to guide your healing journey.”— Dr. Indrani Swarna Senaratne

Dr. Senaratne cautions that anyone experiencing severe symptoms such as persistent vomiting, breathing difficulty, or red patches should seek immediate medical attention. She also advises patients to avoid using ginger during dengue, as it may worsen internal bleeding.


Beyond dengue, Dr. Indrani Senarathna Hassanally has successfully treated a wide range of conditions through Ayurvedic medicine, including:

  • Autism (Ayurvedic supportive therapy)

  • Early stages of cancer

  • Urinary diseases

  • Early-stage filariasis (Fileriya)

  • Cervical spondylosisand many other chronic and lifestyle-related illnesses.


Her deep commitment to healing and her years of experience in the Ayurvedic field have earned her immense respect locally and internationally. She is also a Life Member of the Sri Lanka United Nations Federation Organization and holds several other honorary titles recognizing her dedication to promoting Ayurveda as a global path to natural wellness.



Contact Detials

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Khoshnaw Rahmani, Jadetimes Staff

K. Rahmani is a Jadetimes news reporter covering politics.

Image Source: John Thys
Image Source: John Thys

The news in brief

On 14 October 2025, Belgium experienced a major nationwide mobilization against proposed austerity reforms. Tens of thousands of people converged on Brussels and other cities in coordinated demonstrations and strikes led by the country’s main trade unions and civil‑society groups. The protests targeted planned cuts and reforms to pensions, unemployment supports, healthcare funding, and labour protections proposed by the newly formed federal government. The street action combined mass rallies, workplace stoppages and targeted disruptions to transport and public services, and it has already forced political actors to reassess messaging and timing around the reforms.


Part I — What happened on 14 October 2025

  • Nationwide day of action: Trade unions and allied civic coalitions organized strikes and demonstrations across Belgium, with the largest gatherings in Brussels. Public transport, some municipal services and portions of airport operations were disrupted as workers joined walkouts.

  • Urban scenes and policing: Protesters filled major boulevards near government and EU institutions. Organisers used drums, banners and loudspeakers; in central areas there were clashes with police, controlled use of crowd dispersion tactics, and reports of arrests and temporary containment. Local reporting described both large peaceful contingents and smaller groups whose tactics triggered police response.

  • Political response: Government leaders defended the need for fiscal consolidation; opposition parties and union leaders framed the measures as social regressions that unfairly burden workers, pensioners and low‑income households. Negotiations and parliamentary debate were expected to intensify in the days following the demonstrations.


Part II — Why people marched: the policy grievance explained

  • Pension and welfare changes: The proposed package included measures aimed at reducing public spending on pensions and social benefits, tightening eligibility or duration of certain supports, and introducing incentives for longer working lives. Critics argue the proposed changes disproportionately affect those with interrupted careers, part‑time or precarious employment, and caregivers.

  • Labour market reforms: Plans to alter labour regulations, including procedures on working hours, overtime, and contract flexibility, have alarmed unions who say the changes risk eroding job security and rights gained over decades.

  • Fiscal framing: The government presents the measures as necessary to bring public finances under control and to meet medium‑term deficit and borrowing targets. Opponents question both the distributional fairness of the burden and whether austerity will hinder domestic demand and growth.


Part III — The anatomy of Belgian mass protest: institutions, actors and tactics

Trade unions and coordination

Belgium’s labour movement remains highly organised and central to large mobilisations. Union federations coordinate national strike days, sectoral stoppages and mass demonstrations. Their legitimacy rests on deep workplace networks, collective bargaining structures and historical precedence for national action.


Political parties and civil society

Leftist and social‑democratic parties, together with community groups, student organisations and public‑sector associations, often provide political backing and help broaden a union‑led mobilisation into a wider social movement.


Tactics and logistics

Belgian protests typically blend legal demonstrations and workplace actions with targeted disruptions (transport hubs, administrative centres). Mobilisations use pre‑announced march routes, sit‑ins, and sectoral strikes; at times smaller, less predictable groups introduce escalatory tactics that challenge policing responses.


Part IV — A concise history of mass protest in Belgium (pattern and evolution)

Note: this section summarises long‑standing patterns and major phases in Belgium’s protest history rather than exhaustive event‑by‑event minutiae.


Early and mid‑20th century foundations

Belgium’s modern protest culture was shaped by industrialisation, an active labour movement and the institutionalisation of collective bargaining. Early general strikes and workplace actions established unions as central political actors.


Post‑war consolidation and the strike tradition

After World War II, social‑partnership arrangements evolved alongside strong union representation in public life. Periodic general strikes and sectoral stoppages became accepted tools for negotiating labour and welfare policies.


Late 20th century: structural reform moments

Economic restructurings, fiscal retrenchments and debates over welfare reform produced notable waves of mobilisation. Social protests often clustered around public‑sector reforms, privatisations and pension changes, reflecting a persistent tension between fiscal reform and social protection.


21st century dynamics: fragmentation and new actors

Since the 2000s, protest repertoires diversified. Beyond unions, grassroots movements, student protests, and networked campaigns (including environmental and anti‑austerity coalitions) began to play a growing role. Regional and linguistic divides (Flemish, Francophone and German‑speaking communities) added complexity to national mobilisation dynamics but did not eliminate cross‑regional solidarities on major social issues.


Recent years and the present moment

Austerity debates following global economic shocks, energy‑price crises and post‑pandemic recovery plans have repeatedly prompted mobilizations. The 14 October 2025 action is the latest large‑scale expression of Belgium’s stubborn capacity to translate social discontent into organised collective action.


Part V — A comprehensive description and explanation of “Belgium Mass Protests”

Structural causes

  • Welfare state tensions: Belgium’s generous social model is costly to maintain; periodic reforms provoke strong resistance when perceived as undermining social rights.

  • Employment structure: A large public sector, strong collective bargaining coverage, and prominent cross‑sectoral unions facilitate coordinated action.

  • Political fragmentation: Coalition politics and protracted negotiations can produce abrupt reform proposals that galvanise opposition.

  • Economic constraints: High public debt and fiscal pressures create policy windows for austerity proposals that are politically charged.


Social and cultural drivers

  • Historical memory: Generations of union activism create norms of protest as a legitimate channel for dispute resolution.

  • Solidarity networks: Churches, mutual aid societies, community organisations and union locals help mobilise broad constituencies.

  • Media and narratives: Outrage over perceived unfairness, personal testimonies from affected workers and targeted campaigns shape mobilisation momentum.


Political mechanics

  • Union bargaining power: Unions use strikes, threat of industrial disruption and public demonstrations to press demands in negotiations.

  • Political signalling: Governments sometimes time proposals to signal fiscal credibility to markets or EU partners; opponents use protests to shift the political cost of reforms.

  • Legal and policing frameworks: Belgium’s regulatory and policing responses shape protest conduct—permit regimes, designated march routes and crowd‑management tactics influence escalation dynamics.


Part VI — Comparison with other anti‑austerity movements in the EU

Greece (2010s) — intensity and political transformation

Greece’s anti‑austerity protests after the sovereign‑debt crisis were sustained, large and politically transformative, contributing to the rise of new parties and deep domestic polarisation. Belgian protests are less likely to produce such systemic realignment but share the common thread of social resistance to externally‑driven fiscal retrenchment.


Spain (2011–2014 and after) — Indignados and sustained mobilisation

Spain’s Indignados movement and subsequent anti‑austerity actions combined mass street occupation, long protest cycles and political innovation. Belgium’s union‑centred model differs: Belgian mobilisation is more institutionalised and negotiation‑focused, though it can still produce intense episodic confrontations.


France (labor reforms and Yellow Vests) — breadth of tactics and societal cleavage

France has seen both union‑led strikes and more diffuse grassroots uprisings (e.g., Yellow Vests) that transcend traditional union structures. Belgium’s protests have tended to remain anchored in union coordination, but emerging grassroots grievances can amplify action beyond labour circles.


Portugal and Ireland — negotiated adjustments vs. popular discontent

Countries that accepted conditional fiscal adjustments after crisis periods experienced varying degrees of social protest. Belgium’s combination of a high‑coverage welfare state and strong unions means that negotiated compromises are often the ultimate pathway, though social conflict remains intense when perceived fairness is lacking.


Key takeaways from comparisons

  • Belgium’s protests are distinguished by the organisational capacity of unions and the country’s federal, coalition politics.

  • Anti‑austerity movements across Europe share core grievances—protection of social rights, opposition to inequality and distrust of technocratic solutions—but differ in actors, tactics and political consequences.

  • Belgian outcomes more often end in negotiated compromise than systemic political upheaval, though large mobilisations can materially alter policy timetables and public discourse.


Part VII — Broader consequences: politics, economy and society

Short term

  • Policy recalibration: Large protests increase pressure on governments to modify, delay or repackage reforms to reduce social costs.

  • Political fallout: Opposition parties and unions can gain momentum in public opinion; coalition stability becomes more fragile.

  • Economic disruption: Strikes and transport shutdowns create immediate economic losses and complicate the implementation of contested measures.


Medium term

  • Negotiated settlements: Belgium’s institutional framework promotes social dialogue and bargaining, so many disputes move from the streets into negotiation tables.

  • Electoral signalling: Public mobilisations can shape electoral campaigns and legislative priorities in subsequent cycles.


Long term

  • Institutional adaptation: Reforms to bargaining structures, social‑protection design and fiscal governance may follow to reduce the frequency and intensity of disruptive conflict.

  • Societal trust: Recurrent austerity disputes can either erode trust in political institutions or lead to renewed social compact if compromises are perceived as fair.


Part VIII — Timeline of Belgian mass protests

Note: This timeline highlights representative phases and typical triggers rather than exhaustive entries.

  • Early 20th century: Labour movement growth and early industrial strikes establish protest culture.

  • Post‑war decades: Consolidation of social‑partnership models and recurring sectoral disputes.

  • Late 20th century: Major mobilisations around structural reforms, public‑sector adjustments and pension debates.

  • 2008–2015: Economic shock and austerity debates prompt episodic nation‑wide actions across Europe including Belgium.

  • 2018–2024: Diversified protest landscape with environmental, anti‑inequality and labour actions; new grassroots movements occasionally join union calls.

  • 14 October 2025: Large‑scale demonstrations and strikes across Belgium against proposed austerity reforms; major mobilization in Brussels and coordinated action nationwide.


Part IX — What to watch next (policy and political indicators)

  • Government concessions or recalibration: Will the government revise timelines, introduce compensatory measures for vulnerable groups, or proceed as planned?

  • Union strategy: Follow whether unions escalate with rolling strikes and sectoral coordination or move toward intensive negotiations.

  • Public opinion trends: Polling on support for reforms and trust in parties will shape political room for manoeuvre.

  • Parliamentary dynamics: Coalition cohesion, amendments and committee deliberations will determine the legislative fate of the package.

  • European context: EU budget and fiscal discussions may influence national decisions and framing.


Part X — Reporting standards and verifiability

This article focuses on evidence‑based description and contextual analysis. Claims about protest size, specific policy measures, policing actions and political statements should be verified with official union communiqués, government releases, reputable national outlets and direct reporting from Brussels for precise numbers and timing. For historical patterns and international comparisons, academic studies of social movements, labour history and comparative protest scholarship provide authoritative grounding.


Why the 14 October protests matter

The 14 October 2025 mobilization in Belgium is both a symptom and a test: a symptom of how deeply social protections are embedded in Belgian political identity, and a test of whether the government can reconcile fiscal imperatives with social solidarity. The event underscores that, in countries with dense union networks and a history of negotiated adjustments, large street protests remain a decisive instrument of political leverage. How policymakers respond will shape Belgium’s fiscal trajectory, social cohesion and the contours of public contestation for years to come.

Khoshnaw Rahmani, Jadetimes Staff

K. Rahmani is a Jadetimes news reporter covering sport.

Image Source: Denis Balibouse
Image Source: Denis Balibouse

In the early 2020s, Bulgaria joined Greece, Romania, and Serbia in a bold regional initiative to co-host the UEFA Euro 2028 and the 2030 FIFA World Cup. Known as the Craiova Group bid, this Southeastern European alliance aimed to showcase regional unity, infrastructure development, and football heritage on the global stage. While the bid ultimately did not succeed — with UEFA awarding Euro 2028 to the UK and Ireland — Bulgaria’s involvement marked a significant chapter in its sporting diplomacy and long-term football strategy.


The Craiova Group Bid: Vision and Structure

  • Announced: February 2019, during a ministerial summit in Sofia

  • Participants: Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and Serbia

  • Bid scope: Joint hosting of UEFA Euro 2028 and FIFA World Cup 2030

  • Organizing body: The Craiova Group, a regional cooperation platform focused on youth, sports, and infrastructure

  • Stadium plan: 16 venues across 14 cities, with each country contributing multiple stadiums meeting UEFA and FIFA standards

The bid emphasized regional cooperation, post-transition development, and the symbolic power of football to unite diverse cultures.


Bulgaria’s Role and Proposed Venues

  • Lead cities: Sofia, Plovdiv, Varna, Burgas

  • Flagship stadium: Vasil Levski National Stadium in Sofia, with proposed upgrades to meet UEFA’s 50,000+ seat requirement

  • Secondary venues: Botev Stadium (Plovdiv), Ticha Stadium (Varna), and Lazur Stadium (Burgas) were considered for group-stage matches and training facilities

  • Infrastructure plans: Bulgaria proposed transport upgrades, hospitality expansions, and digital ticketing systems to align with UEFA’s hosting criteria


UEFA’s Hosting Criteria and Final Decision

  • Requirements:

    • 1 stadium with 60,000+ seats

    • 2 stadiums with 50,000 seats

    • 4 stadiums with 40,000 seats

    • 3 stadiums with 30,000 seats

    • Strong human rights commitments and sustainability plans

  • Final hosts: In April 2023, UEFA selected the United Kingdom and Ireland as co-hosts for Euro 2028, citing readiness, infrastructure, and legacy planning

  • Bulgaria’s assessment: While praised for ambition and regional cooperation, the bid faced challenges in stadium capacity, political coordination, and long-term guarantees


Historical Context: Bulgaria and UEFA Tournaments

  • Euro appearances: Bulgaria has qualified for the UEFA European Championship twice — in 1996 and 2004

  • World Cup legacy: Bulgaria’s golden generation reached the semifinals of the 1994 FIFA World Cup, led by Hristo Stoichkov

  • Hosting history: Bulgaria has hosted youth tournaments and club competitions but has never hosted a senior UEFA or FIFA event

  • Infrastructure evolution: Since the 2000s, Bulgaria has invested in stadium renovations, youth academies, and regional sports hubs, though gaps remain in meeting elite tournament standards


Timeline of Key Events

  • 1994: Bulgaria reaches World Cup semifinals in the USA

  • 2007–2015: Major stadium renovations begin in Sofia and Plovdiv

  • February 2019: Craiova Group bid announced in Sofia

  • 2020–2022: Bid development, feasibility studies, and diplomatic coordination

  • April 2023: UEFA awards Euro 2028 to UK–Ireland; Bulgaria’s bid ends

  • 2025: Bulgaria continues infrastructure upgrades and prepares for youth-level UEFA events


Regional Impact and Lessons Learned

  • Diplomatic cooperation: The bid strengthened ties between Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and Serbia, creating a model for future cultural and sporting initiatives

  • Public engagement: The proposal sparked national debate on sports funding, urban planning, and Bulgaria’s international image

  • Legacy projects: Despite the bid’s failure, several proposed upgrades — including stadium renovations and transport links — remain in progress

  • Strategic shift: Bulgaria is now focusing on hosting youth tournaments, improving domestic league standards, and preparing for future bids with narrower scope


Comparative Analysis: Why the UK–Ireland Bid Prevailed

  • Stadium readiness: All proposed venues met UEFA’s capacity and safety standards without major renovations

  • Political stability: The UK–Ireland bid offered unified governance and long-term guarantees

  • Football heritage: With deep-rooted football cultures and global fan bases, the hosts presented a compelling legacy narrative

  • Commercial viability: UEFA projected higher revenue and sponsorship opportunities in Western Europe


Bulgaria’s Football Future

  • Youth development: The Bulgarian Football Union (BFU) is investing in grassroots programs and regional academies

  • Domestic league: Efforts are underway to improve competitiveness, club management, and fan engagement

  • International partnerships: Bulgaria continues to collaborate with UEFA and neighboring federations on training, officiating, and tournament logistics

  • Next steps: Potential bids for UEFA youth championships, club finals, or co-hosting smaller regional events


Bulgaria’s Euro 2028 bid may not have secured hosting rights, but it marked a strategic milestone in the country’s sporting evolution. Through regional cooperation, infrastructure planning, and diplomatic outreach, Bulgaria demonstrated its ambition to play a larger role in European football. As the country refines its approach and builds on lessons learned, the dream of hosting a major tournament remains alive — reshaped, recalibrated, and ready for the next opportunity.

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