Algeria and Zimbabwe Reaffirm Support for Sahrawi Self-Determination Amid Regional Realignments
- Khoshnaw Rahmani

- Jul 22
- 4 min read
Khoshnaw Rahmani, Jadetimes Staff
K. Rahmani is a Jadetimes news reporter covering politics.

1. A United Front in Algiers
On July 20, 2025, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa convened in Algiers for the 4th Algeria–Zimbabwe Joint Commission, where they jointly reaffirmed their “unwavering support for the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination.” Their declaration, delivered at a high-profile press conference, underscores both nations’ commitment to decolonization and signals a renewed pan-African push for a UN-backed referendum in Western Sahara2.
2. Pre-Colonial Roots and Spanish Annexation
Long before European powers arrived, semi-nomadic Sahrawi tribes—of mixed Amazigh and Arab heritage—roamed the coastal deserts between modern Morocco, Algeria, and Mauritania. In 1884, Spain formalized control over this region at the Berlin Conference, establishing Spanish Sahara. Although Spanish rule was initially limited to coastal outposts, the discovery of phosphate deposits in 1947 and the settlement of colonial administrators intensified Madrid’s grip, provoking early indigenous resistance movements.
3. Emergence of the Polisario Front and SADR
In 1973, frustrated by the failure of peaceful petitions, Sahrawi students and tribal figures founded the Polisario Front (Frente POLISARIO) to press for full independence. Two years later, under the Madrid Accords, Spain ceded administrative control to Morocco and Mauritania—ignoring Sahrawi aspirations—and thousands fled into Algeria’s Tindouf desert refugee camps. On February 27, 1976, the Polisario proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in exile, backed by Algeria’s diplomatic, logistical, and military support.
4. UN-Mediated Ceasefire and the Stalled Referendum
After nearly two decades of war, Morocco and the Polisario Front agreed to a UN-brokered ceasefire in 1991, establishing MINURSO (UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara) to monitor peace and organize a self-determination referendum. Disputes over voter eligibility, coupled with Morocco’s insistence on autonomy rather than independence, have kept the vote in limbo for over 30 years—making Western Sahara the longest unresolved decolonization case on the UN agenda.
5. Humanitarian Toll: Life in the Tindouf Camps
Approximately 170,000 Sahrawi refugees reside in five camps near Tindouf, Algeria. Generations born in exile face:
Reliance on international aid for food, water, and medicine
Limited educational and economic opportunities
Harsh desert conditions and water scarcity
Despite EU humanitarian contributions of over €300 million since 1993, chronic under-funding and political stagnation perpetuate hardship.
6. Zimbabwe’s Decades-Long Solidarity
6.1 Early Recognition and Diplomatic Backing
Zimbabwe was among the first African states to recognize the SADR immediately after its 1976 proclamation. Since independence in 1980, every Harare government has:
Maintained full diplomatic relations and hosted SADR envoys
Voted in support of Western Sahara’s decolonization in African Union (AU) sessions
Opposed Morocco’s 2017 readmission to the AU until SADR membership was affirmed
6.2 SADC Leadership and Regional Advocacy
As SADC Chair in August 2024, President Mnangagwa hosted a Sahrawi delegation in Harare and presided over a landmark MoU between SADC and the SADR, committing the bloc to:
Implement AU resolutions on Western Sahara
Advocate for UN-led referenda
Mobilize diplomatic pressure on Morocco
In March 2025, Mnangagwa declared, “Africa’s independence would not be complete until Western Sahara is free and independent,” reinforcing SADC’s unwavering position.
6.3 2025 Letter to President Ghali
On June 9, 2025, Mnangagwa sent a personal letter to Sahrawi President Brahim Ghali, reaffirming “unconditional support” for the referendum and pledging to deepen political, trade, and cultural ties between Zimbabwe and the SADR.
7. Algeria’s Role: Host, Protector, and Diplomat
Algeria remains the SADR’s primary patron:
Host Nation: Provides land, security, and infrastructure for Tindouf camps
Diplomatic Champion: Leads Algeria’s UN and Arab League campaigns for referendum
Military Ally: Supplies and trains Polisario forces, sustaining their defense capability
Algeria’s stance represents both anti-colonial solidarity and strategic rivalry with Morocco, which claims sovereignty over Western Sahara.
8. Pan-African Solidarity: Comparative Overview
African Body | SADR Recognition | Key Actions |
African Union | Full (since 1984) | AU Constitutive Act safeguards decolonization; Morocco rejoined 2017 |
SADC | Full | 2024 MoU operationalizes AU decisions; hosts SADR officials |
Zimbabwe | Full | Diplomatic recognition (1976), AU votes, high-level outreach |
South Africa | Full | Legal challenges (ICJ 2018), UN advocacy, embassy in Tindouf |
Nigeria | Mixed | Early recognition, later suspended; cautious balancing act |
Egypt | None | Maintains neutrality to preserve ties with both Rabat & Algiers |
Zimbabwe’s consistent championing of the SADR parallels South Africa’s liberation-era advocacy and stands in stark contrast to Nigeria’s oscillation and Egypt’s strategic neutrality.
9. Geopolitical Shifts: Morocco, Western Powers, and the Sahara Question
Since the 2020 US recognition of Morocco’s claim over Western Sahara—linked to the Abraham Accords with Israel—Rabat has secured Western support, particularly from France and Spain. Algeria and Zimbabwe’s joint statement counters this pro-Morocco tilt, calling for:
A UN-led referendum as the sole legitimate path to self-determination
Respect for UNGA Resolutions 1514 (1960) and 34/37 (1979) on non-self-governing territories
An end to external vetoes that block genuine decolonization
10. Timeline: Milestones in the Sahrawi Struggle & Zimbabwean Support
Year | Event |
1884 | Berlin Conference grants Spain protectorate over Rio de Oro & Saguia el-Hamra |
1973 | Polisario Front formed |
1975 | Madrid Accords; mass Sahrawi exodus to Algeria begins |
1976 | SADR proclaimed; Zimbabwe extends recognition |
1979 | Mauritania withdraws; Morocco annexes southern third |
1984 | SADR admitted to OAU; Morocco exits |
1991 | UN ceasefire; MINURSO deployed |
2017 | Morocco rejoins AU; Zimbabwe opposes re-admission until SADR status upheld |
2018 | ICJ Advisory Opinion reaffirms Sahrawi right to self-determination |
2024 | Mnangagwa hosts SADR officials & signs SADC MoU in Harare |
2025 | Algeria–Zimbabwe summit reaffirms unconditional support (July 20, 2025) |
11. Implications & Next Steps
Diplomatic Pressure: This joint declaration amplifies calls for UN Secretary-General António Guterres to rejuvenate MINURSO’s mandate and organize the referendum.
Regional Cohesion: Reinforcing Africa’s decolonization agenda strengthens AU and SADC bargaining power on other liberation issues, such as Eritrea–Ethiopia peace processes.
Humanitarian Advocacy: The spotlight on Tindouf may mobilize fresh humanitarian aid and educational programs for Sahrawi youth.
Morocco’s Response: Rabat is likely to intensify diplomatic outreach in West Africa and the Gulf; Algeria and Zimbabwe must coordinate further to counterbalance these efforts.
12. African Agency and the Path to Justice
Algeria and Zimbabwe’s reaffirmation of Sahrawi self-determination is both a moral stand and a strategic assertion of African agency in an era of shifting global alliances. By deepening diplomatic ties and amplifying pan-African solidarity, Harare and Algiers aim to break a decades-long impasse and deliver on the promise of a fair referendum. As the world watches, their united front may finally tip the scales toward a just resolution for the Sahrawi people—completing Africa’s decolonization journey and restoring faith in multilateralism.











































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